Friday, December 24, 2010

"Yugoslavia: Death of a Nation" by Silber and Little [15]

Chapter 23: HMS Invincible Talks at Seas Summer 1993

This short chapter mostly concerns the ongoing talks which were held in 1993 in which the Western powers tried to push a peace plan onto the three parties they could all be coerced into signing. The theme that the international community implicitly accepted the ethnic carve-up of Bosnia continued, and the Bosnian government were increasingly being pushed harder to accept a peace plan which by this point left them with a fractured, land-locked statelet which was simply not viable as a functioning nation-state. As part of this pressure, the West had cultivated Bosniak politician/warlord Fikret Abdic as a potential rival to Izetbegovic, if only for leverage. At this point, Abdic--who had good relations with many of the nationalist Serbs in the areas around the so-called "Bihac pocket" which was his stronghold--declared his independence from the Bosnian state and established his own breakaway statelet within the borders of Bosnia.

While this was going on, the Croatian leadership was still maintaining diplomatic relations with their Serb counterparts. But while the continued possibility of a mutual Croat/Serb division of Bosnia at the expense of the Muslim plurality was ongoing, there was a contrary diplomatic track being pursued--the American pressure on the Croats to cooperate with the Bosnian government.

Chapter 24: A Question of Control The Market Square Bomb and the NATO Ultimatum February 1994

The mortar shell which killed sixty-nine people in Sarajevo on February 5, 1994 might have served as little more than a test case for how the differing parties in the war reacted. The Bosnian government was quick to express its outrage to any media outlet they could find. Radovan Karadzic was equally quick with his laughably inconsistent and illogical denials--the man had a real talent for changing his story as the facts eroded the ground under earlier disavowels of responsibility. And Canadian General Lewis MacKenzie was more than willing to lend his support for the whispering campaign among pro-Serb Westerners that Karadzic's claim that the bomb was actually planted by the Bosnian government was true. Of course, neither MacKenzie nor anyone else could come out and say such things--if they had done so, they might have been required to provide evidence. Evidence for a claim that the Bosnian government would have--indeed, could have--launched an inaccurate mortar shell into a crowded market square on a quiet day (mortars are not very accurate weapons--getting a direct hit on the first try is mostly a matter of dumb luck) in order to increase pressure on the Serbs. And for that matter, evidence that this scenario was more likely than the possibility that this mortar was simply one of the approximately 500,000 artillery projectiles the Bosnian Serb army had inflicted onto Sarajevo by that point. Such evidence was, not surprisingly, never forthcoming.

The attack pushed the international community to finally call for decisive action against the Serbs in the form of airstrikes. The Russians stepped in and pressured the West to work out a compromise. The Serb leadership, who realized that the presence of the Russians along with the UN willingness to serve as troops patroling--and therefore maintaining--the battle lines in Sarajevo--eagerly jumped on the opportunity to appear reasonable, and therefore agreed to a plan to place their heavy weapons under UN "control." Eventually, the Bosnian government--who smelled a rat--were pressured by the international community to accept this compromise.

The UN forces on the scene, led by General Michael Rose, were more concerned about avoiding air strikes than any larger strategic aims. It was typical of the mentality of the UNPROFOR leadership by this point in the war, Rose was primarily worried about the safety of the "peacekeeping" troops under his command and had little inclination to consider the larger issues of justice in the conflict. Therefore, as the Serbs continued to change the terms of the agreement and then drag their feet on complying even with that, Rose put his energies into finding ways to spin the reality in order to, in effect, "sell" the Serb actions in the best possible light. In the end, Karadzic and the Bosnian Serbs came out ahead--they still had actual control of their weapons, they still held the high ground around Sarajevo, UN troops now did some of the grunt work of manning the front lines for them, and the international community had been told that they had made concessions for peace. And certain elements within the UN were complicit in all this.

"Gaining Moral Ground" The Washington Agreement February 1994

While all that was happening, though, American diplomacy was pushing an agreement which would ultimately change the dynamic and the balance of power on the ground. This chapter summarizes the diplomatic and political actions which led to the formulation of the Croat-Muslim alliance, which was supported by the Croatian government out of necessity and moral pressure, and which was only possible with continued prodding and pressure from Washington. It was a marriage of convenience, not love, but it would work.

Monday, December 20, 2010

Sarajevo’s “War Without End”

[The following is reprinted with permission from the Institute for War & Peace Reporting website. My thanks for continuing to give me the opportunity to share articles.]

Former BBC correspondent recounts life in city targeted by shelling and sniper fire.
By Rachel Irwin - International Justice - ICTY
TRI Issue 674, 17 Dec 10

A former BBC journalist told the trial of Radovan Karadzic this week that civilians in the besieged city of Sarajevo were deliberately targeted by snipers and subjected to “appalling” conditions.

“I would say that [civilians] were subjected to three and-a-half years of an appalling ordeal,” said prosecution witness Martin Bell, who covered the wars in Croatia and Bosnia from 1991 to 1995.

“It was not just a question of being caught in the crossfire, there was deliberate targeting also, on both sides of the lines.”

Karadzic was the president of Bosnia’s self-declared Republika Srpska, RS, from 1992 to 1996. He allegedly planned and oversaw the 44-month siege of Sarajevo that left nearly 12,000 people dead, and his army is accused of deliberately sniping and shelling the city’s civilian population in order to “spread terror” among them.

The indictment - which lists 11 counts in total - alleges that Karadzic was responsible for crimes of genocide, persecution, extermination, murder and forcible transfer which “contributed to achieving the objective of the permanent removal of Bosnian Muslims and Bosnian Croats from Bosnian Serb-claimed territory”. In July 2008, he was arrested in Belgrade after 13 years on the run.

In one of Bell’s television reports screened during the hearing, Sarajevo civilians run past what are said to be Bosnian Serb sniper positions in order to reach the only available water supply, located in a nearby basement. One man who was making the journey is shot in the leg as he turns a corner. He collapses and appears to go into shock.

“He was shot for a bucket of water,” Bell narrates in the report.

“Was this a situation where someone was caught in the cross-fire?” prosecuting lawyer Carolyn Edgerton asked.

“No, the man who was wounded had clearly been targeted,” Bell answered. “…After all these years I still find the report difficult to watch… the images themselves called for international intervention.

“In terms of the situation for civilians in the city, do you find this report of yours to be an accurate depiction?” Edgerton asked.

“Yes, I am confident this is accurate and truthful,” Bell said. “You can see the woman wincing when she hears the sniper fire… I think this report conveys an accurate picture of suffering inflicted on innocent people.”

Edgerton then asked him to describe the “psychological effect” that the constant shelling and sniping had on civilians.

“This is anecdotal, but I have never seen such anxiety etched on everybody’s faces - they lost weight and some looked almost grey with fear,” Bell answered. “We [journalists] had it easy, we came in and out… [Civilians] were there all the time with no means to escape. They were trapped in a war without end.”

Bell also described his experiences reporting from other Bosnian cities and towns, including Zvornik, which borders neighbouring Serbia.

In one report from early April 1992, Bell says that “95 per cent” of Zvornik’s Serb population had already fled and that war was “unstoppable”. After the Serbs fled, he reported that the town was taken over by “Serbian irregulars” led by a man named Zeljko Raznatovic, otherwise known as Arkan, who is interviewed briefly in the report.

Arkan led a group known as Arkan’s Tigers, said to be one of the most notorious paramilitary groups during that time. He was assassinated in Belgrade in 2000 before he could be arrested and transferred to The Hague, but he is named in Karadzic’s indictment as one of the alleged members of a joint criminal enterprise that includes the accused and various other members of the Bosnian Serb and Serbian leadership.

On April 10, 1992, Bell filed a report where lifeless bodies are seen being dragged on the ground. He describes Arkan’s forces as “mopping up the last of Muslim resistance” and “making greater Serbia happen”.
The report also captures on film the flight of an estimated 20,000 Bosniak civilians from the area. One woman tells the camera, “We are unarmed and they are firing at us.” Another man begs the world to help them. Groups of women, children and babies huddle together, and many of them are crying. Bell narrates that “the ethnic map of Bosnia is being redrawn”.

“When you said that the ethnic map of Bosnia is being redrawn, what did you mean?” Edgerton asked.

“This was the first visual evidence of what came to be known as ethnic cleansing,” Bell answered. “This report did have considerable impact and actually, your honours, it still does.”

Bell said that earlier this year, he received a letter from a man, now living in Canada, who was one of the babies captured in the video footage that day.

“He was grateful for the existence of this report because it was the only evidence of what happened at this time,” Bell said.

After the events in Zvornik, Bell said he wanted “Dr Karadzic to know what was going on”.

“[The] fighting, as far as we know, was done by Arkan’s [paramilitaries], which was not under control of the accused,” Bell said.

“How do you know that?” Edgerton asked.

“I knew Arkan,” Bell responded. “Arkan took orders from nobody. He had a very tense relationship even with the [Yugoslav army]. Having said that, he couldn’t get across the border [from Serbia] without collusion somewhere… [but] I knew him really well, I knew his mind, Ms Edgerton.”

When it was Karadzic’s turn to cross-examine the witness, he asked if Bell agreed that until May 20, 1992, when the Yugoslav Army, JNA, pulled out of Bosnia, Karadzic had “no opportunities to gain insight or control on the developments on the ground” including the events in Zvornik.

“We were hardly able to find out what was going on, much less control it,” Karadzic contended.

“That was the very early days [of war],” Bell responded. “There was no Bosnian Serb army in existence at that time.”

He added that “anarchy” had reigned during “those early days”.

Karadzic also questioned Bell on his interpretation of the Zvornik takeover.

“You said the Serbs first fled Zvornik,” Karadzic said.
“First, the Serbs fled Zvornik across the river, and then I’m assuming that some of them returned, and then the fighting forces were commander Arkan’s,” Bell responded.

“Did you receive any information as to who Serbs were fleeing from?” Karadzic asked, adding that there were “numerous Muslim paramilitary formations” in the area.

“That’s your information, not mine,” Karadzic said. “Two or three days before the fighting in Zvornik, Serbs had fled and obviously they fled in fear.”

Karadzic contended that Bosniak civilians “didn’t even wait for Serbs to arrive, so they are refugees rather than displaced persons”.

“They either left before the Serbs came, or they left following instructions,” he continued. “In any case, they were not driven out, they were refugees.”
Bell responded that in his television report “you actually heard guns firing in background as [the Bosniak civilians] crouched there.

“I don’t doubt that some left before the Arkan attack, but others left because of it,” Bell said.

When Edgerton had the opportunity to ask some follow-up questions, she challenged Karadzic’s assertion that up until the JNA pullout on May 20, 1992 there was no “centralised control or command”.

She produced several transcripts from Bosnian Serb assembly sessions which suggested that Karadzic had organised crisis staffs, executive boards and reserve units in various municipalities by late March 1992.

Bell said that it would be “hard to overstate the degree of chaos and anarchy in early weeks of April 1992”.
“What I saw on the ground were bands of armed men on both sides, [and] very often they appeared to be undisciplined [and] improvised,” he said.

“But I will accept that by early May there was a degree of command and control in some areas,” Bell continued. “Armies are not formed and organised overnight, not even in times of war.”

Also testifying this week was Almir Begic, who said his father was killed in the first massacre at Sarajevo’s Markale market on February 5, 1994. His father wore a prosthetic leg, and Begic testified that it was the same prosthetic leg that appears in video footage of the massacre, already shown several times during the trial.

Karadzic contends that the massacre was staged by the Bosnian government and that the prosthetic leg was planted at the scene.

The trial is scheduled to resume the week of January 10, after the court’s winter recess.

Rachel Irwin is an IWPR reporter in The Hague.

Sunday, December 19, 2010

"Yugoslavia: Death of a Nation" by Silber and Little [14]

Chapter 21: Last-Chance Cafe The Rise and Fall of the Vance-Owen Plan January-May 1993

The Vance-Owen plan had many flaws, and I am not here to defend it. However, it did have two advantages which should be taken into consideration:

1) Cyrus Vance and Lord Owen seemed to recognize a harsh, infuriating, and disheartening reality--the West had no interest in a truly just or lasting solution for Bosnia. The nature of their plan may very well have been simply a concession to the political realities they were laboring under.

2) Unlike the Dayton agreement which would come a few years later, the Vance-Owen plan actually took the territorial integrity of Bosnia seriously. For all the faults of the central concept of partitioning Bosnia by ethnic cantons, the Vance-Owen plan at least scattered the Serb-assigned cantons so that they could not form a unified whole; unlike the de facto ethnic partition of the Dayton constitution, Vance-Owen undermined the geopolitical viability of Republika Srpska.

The plan famously divided Bosnia into 10 cantons--3 for the Bosniaks, three for the Serbs, two for the Croats, one for the Bosniaks and Croats to share, and Sarajevo as a "special status" canton. The Vance-Owen plan essentially signalled that while the West deplored the tactics of the Serb nationalists, the leaders of the "international community" accepted the premise that Bosnians would not be considered as individual citizens but as aggregate ethnic entities. The Vance-Owen plan itself would perish, but it defined how the West would deal with Bosnia from 1993 until the present day.

The chapter details the political "rise and fall" of the Plan, which was eventually rejected by the Bosnian Serb parliament* against the wishes of Milosevic--the break between him and the Bosnian Serb leadership was now open and would ultimately provide the diplomatic room for the West to apply some pressure between the government of Serbia and the Serb rebel government in Bosnia.

*My failure to capitalize "parliament" is deliberate; whenever possible, I seek to avoid giving the appearance of legitimacy to any of the institutions of the illegal Bosnian Serb Republic of 1992-1995.

Chapter 22: Beware Your Friend a Hundred-fold The Muslim-Croat Conflict 1992-1994

The Muslim-Croat War of 1993 (the dating here is an acknowledgement that the seeds of the conflict dated back to the beginning of the Bosnian war) is often treated as an unfortunate sideshow to the larger conflict. In some ways this is accurate--the group which had the most to gain were the nationalist Serbs, who were delighted to see their mutual foes turn on each other, simultaneously strengthening the hand of nationalist Croats who wished to see an ethnic partition of Bosnia between Croatia and Serbia while further isolating the Muslims even further. Those who criticize the Vance-Owen plan for its pessimistic vision need to remember that in the Spring of 1993, the Muslims of Bosnia very much looked to be on the verge of being wiped off the map.

They weren't, of course, but the price was steep; many Muslims would embrace a hardline, more explicitly Islamic approach as Muslims in general came to realize that they were truly on their own. Ultimately, too few Bosnian Croats were radicalized enough for the HVO to have its way, and of course Tudjman would soon realize he had more to lose by continuing to support radical nationalists while courting international favor. In the end, the conflict mostly served to hasten and intensify the ethnic division, radicalization, and mutual suspician that the Serb nationalist project had put into motion.

National Congress of the Republic of Bosnia-Herzegovina Report on Holbrooke

National Congress of the Republic of Bosnia-Herzegovina (NCR B&H)

ONLINE NEWSLETTER International, No. 704 December 17, 2010


1. Richard Holbrooke – Unlawful and Immoral Diplomacy

2. The Declaration of the Republic of Bosnia-Herzegovina Posted by The Henry Jackson Society

3. Epitaph for Richard Holbrooke

4. Holbrooke's Obituary for the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina

5. Found on WikiLeaks: Dishonest Clinton era politics regarding Bosnia continues 6. Statement of the Bosnian Citizen Action regarding indictment for their protest against intended cosmetic changes of Dayton constitution

1. Richard Holbrooke – Unlawful and Immoral Diplomacy By Vahid Sendijarevic, Ph.D. National Congress of the Republic of Bosnia-Herzegovina.

“I never met anyone more tenaciously committed to delivering on results and negotiating and doing whatever had to be done to achieve positive outcomes. And sometimes, people get lost in the methods and means, and thinking that has to be very moral and right. And Richard didn't get lost there.” These are words of Mr. Steve Clemons about legacy of Mr. Holbrook spoken hours after his death. Mr. Steve Clemons, author of the political blog, “The Washington Note,” was introduced as a friend of Mr. Holbrook by Rachel Maddow in her show on MSNBC on December 13, 2010. What Mr. Clemons said in very polite manner is that Mr. Holbrook would use any mean necessary, regardless how immoral and unlawful, to achieve his diplomatic goals. Dayton Peace Accord brokered by Mr. Holbrook was sold to the public by President Clinton as one of the highest achievement of American diplomacy. However, in reality Mr. Holbrook’s diplomatic negotiations instigated the genocide in Bosnia which led to the Dayton Peace Accord imposed on Bosnian people. The Dayton Peace Accord represents a LEGAL AND POLITICAL PRECEDENT that constitution of sovereign nations can be changed by foreign aggression, ethnic cleansing, and genocide. The claim by President Clinton, Mr. Holbrook, and their protégés that Dayton Peace Accord brought peace to people of Bosnia is a plain lie used to cover up the immorality and unlawfulness of the negotiation process that led to Dayton Peace Accord. The objective of the 1992 aggression by Serbia against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina was creation of an ethnically pure “Greater Serbia”. This could be achieved by dismantling the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina and by ethnic cleansing of non-Serbs from 50% of Bosnian territory to create “Republika Srpska” next to Serbia to be used as bases for creation of continuous “Greater Serbia.” With the genocide in Srebrenica in 1995, the continuous territory was established, and with US backed diplomatic efforts of Mr. Holbrook, Serbian objectives in Bosnia were solidified in the imposed Dayton Peace Agreement. According to the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment for the Crime of Genocide and the UN Charter, the administration of President Clinton was obligated to protect the UN member state, the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, from aggression and genocide and not to reward the perpetrators of aggression and genocide with the territory of the victim state. President Clinton and Holbrook can not claim that they did not know what was going on in Bosnia from the day one of aggression in 1992. In legally binding Resolutions 752 and 757 from 1992, the UN Security Council adopted economic sanctions and political isolation to Serbia and Montenegro as punishment for their aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In the provisional measures of the International Court of Justice on September 13, 1993, in the case of Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina v. Serbia and Montenegro, “the Court recorded that, since its Order [to Serbia and Montenegro] of April 8, 1993, and despite it and many resolutions of the United Nations Security Council, "great suffering and loss of life has been sustained by the population of Bosnia-Herzegovina in circumstances which shock the conscience of mankind and flagrantly conflict with moral law ...". The war crimes that shocked the conscience of mankind and flagrantly conflicted with moral law moved the American people to do good for people of Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The USA congress adapted two times a resolution to lift arms embargo on Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina so that Bosnians can defend themselves from those horrible crimes. President Clinton vetoed both resolutions. The second resolution was adapted by 2/3 majority in both The House of the Representatives and the Senate. At the hearing at the Senate after the second veto by President Clinton, Senator Joe Biden accused Administration of President Clinton and Warren Christopher, a Secretary of State, for actively participating in partition of the sovereign nation of Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina and thus participating in war crimes against Bosnian people. After passionate exchange of arguments between Mr. Biden and Mr. Christopher, hearings were moved behind the closed doors far from the public eyes, and Mr. Biden changed his passion for justice and rule of law into new passion which can be described as by any mean necessaryto achieve diplomatic goals, regardless how immoral and unlawful those goals were. Off course, nobody gave any explanations what were the benefits to the American people of President Clinton and Ambassador Holbrook’s decision to go along with Milosevic’s genocidal project. We know well that America benefits when it stands for what is right. And, what was right in the case of Bosnia was to defend the letters of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment for the Crime of Genocide and not to go along with goals of Mr. Milosevic, indicted war criminal for war crimes in Croatia and genocide in Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Still there is time to correct the wrong done by President Clinton and his administration. The International Court of Justice ruled in the binding judgment in February 26, 2007 in the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina v. Serbia and Montenegro that genocide was committed by the government and institutions of “Republika Srpska” and specifically the Army (VRS) and Police (MUP) of “Republika Srpska” and that Serbia had an obligation to prevent the genocide. Filing the law suit for genocide in 1993 preceded all subsequent constitutional and legal arrangements for Bosnia and Herzegovina. The final judgment of the International Court of Justice supersedes all constitutional arrangements that are offered today to the victims of aggression and genocide including Annex 4 to the Dayton Agreement (the Dayton Constitution). The U.S.A. should help Bosnian patriots to restore the constitution and institutions of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina as they were before the aggression and genocide by applying the legal right to RESTITUTIO IN INTEGRUM (restoration of the original condition) based on the peremptory norms of International law JUS COGENS, and to declare null and void the Dayton Constitution and institutions created under the Dayton Constitution. The constitution of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina is the only legally binding document on the basis of which the independence of Bosnia and Herzegovina has been recognized. This constitution ended communism and provided for free multiparty elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1990 and provided for free referendum of its independence in 1992. Under this constitution, Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina became a UN member nation. This constitution provides that each individual is sovereign on entire territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina irrelevant on ethnicity or religion. The lawfulness and justice in the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina will be accomplished only after the goal of the aggression and genocide is denied to the perpetrators of the aggression and genocide. According to International law, and domestic laws, anything what was achieved unlawfully can not be recognized as lawful. Under the Dayton Agreement, the unlawful governing power over the victims of aggression and genocide in the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina was put into the hands of those who committed the genocide and those who were complicit in aggression and the genocide. The U.S. government should terminate its support to those in Bosnia who were complicit in the aggression and genocide.

2. The Declaration of the Republic of Bosnia-Herzegovina Posted by The Henry Jackson Society:

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY: 1. The International Court of Justice and International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia have ruled that the Bosnian Serb entity 'Republika Srpska' is guilty of genocide, and that Serbia is guilty of failure to prevent and punish genocide. 2. These rulings provide a legal basis for the abolition of the regime established by the 1995 Dayton settlement, which was illegitimately derived from this genocide. 3. To uphold the Dayton regime is to recognize the precedent, that a legitimate constitutional order may be overthrown by aggression and genocide. 4. The international community should work with the citizens of Bosnia-Herzegovina to restore the legitimate constitutional order of the Republic of Bosnia-Herzegovina.

3. Epitaph for Richard Holbrooke

I am very sorry to learn that Richard Holbrooke has died . Because I fully intended to bring him to Justice and get him criminally indicted for the genocidal massacre at Srebrenica on behalf of my clients, the Mothers of Srebrenica and Podrinja. It was Holbrooke who deliberately sacrificed Zepa and Srebrenica in order to produce Dayton’s genocidal carve-up map. Holbrooke was the Father of the genocidal statelet known as Republika Sprska. Holbrooke was the Destroyer of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Holbrooke was an Accessory Before, During and After the Fact to the Extermination of 8000 Bosnian Muslim men and boys at Srebrenica, which the International Court of Justice ruled was genocide in violation of the 1948 Genocide Convention. Holbrooke shall live in Infamy as a Genocidaire. In his classic work The Phaedo, Plato has his hero Socrates comment upon the transmigration/reincarnation of souls. With respect to Holbrooke, Socrates said as follows: “And those who have chosen the portion of injustice, and tyranny, and violence, will pass into wolves, or into hawks and kites;--whither else can we suppose them to go?” Let Socrates’ words of wisdom serve as Holbrooke’s Epitaph and Fate. Professor Francis A. BoyleGeneral Agent for the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina before the International Court of Justice; Attorney for the Mothers of Srebrenica and Podrinja Francis A. BoyleLaw Building504 E. Pennsylvania Ave.Champaign, IL 61820 USA217-333-7954 (Voice)217-244-1478 (Fax)(personal comments only)

4. In many occasions, Prof. Francis Boyle openly said to Richard Holbrooke the truth about Dayton accord. For example, the following essay was the first time published in 18 Human Rights Quarterly 515 (1996) 4. Holbrooke's Obituary for the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina By Francis A. BoyleProfessor of International Law Pursuant to the Dayton Accords, on 15 December 1995 the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina was carved up in Paris by Richard Holbrooke, the United Nations, the European Union Member States, the United States, and the many other states in attendance, despite the United Nations Charter, the Nuremberg Principles, the Genocide Convention, the Four Geneva Conventions and their two Additional Protocols, the Racial Discrimination Convention, and the Apartheid Convention, inter alia, as well as two overwhelmingly favorable World Court Orders this author won for the Republic on 8 April 1993 and 13 September 1993. This second World Court Order expressly prohibited Holbrooke's partition of Bosnia by the vote of 13 to 2. Bosnia was sacrificed on the altar of Great Power politics to the Machiavellian god of expedience. In 1938 the Great Powers of Europe did the exact same thing to Czechoslovakia at Munich. The partition of that nation state did not bring peace to Europe then. Continued partition of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina will not bring peace to Europe now. This U.N.-sanctioned execution of a U.N. Member State violated every known principle of international law that had been formulated by the international community in the post-World War II era. This nihilistic carve-up of Bosnia indicates that the current regime of international law and organizations set up by the United States and Europe in direct reaction to the genocidal horrors of the Second World War is in the process of gradual but irretrievable disintegration. The unstopped genocide in Bosnia already served as the harbinger to the genocide in Rwanda. Bosnia will become the precedent for the perpetration of similar mass slaughters around the world in the future. Holbrooke's Dayton/Paris Accords shall always stand for the proposition that genocide pays. So much for the slogan: Never again! ______________________________

5. Found on WikiLeaks: Dishonest Clinton era politics regarding Bosnia continues

The following are several cables sent from American Embassy in Sarajevo, and published on WikiLeaks Summary ¶1. (S/NF) The emergence of a new Bosniak party, led by the powerful, reportedly corrupt, and sometimes vindictive media mogul Fahrudin Radoncic, is likely to create further rifts in the Bosniak political scene, particularly amid the campaign for the October 2010 general elections. Radoncic has the support of the leader of the Islamic community. Also, Radoncic's ownership and direct control of the most widely-read daily newspaper in Bosnia will ensure that his campaign message is well propagated. Radoncic's reputation for questionable business ventures with partners from across the political spectrum, combined with his likely desire for influence over the judiciary to escape prosecution for corruption, suggests that he will seek political alliances based on lucrative personal prospects, rather than ideology or even ethnic affiliation. Although it is too early to make concrete predictions, Radoncic's party is poised to capture votes primarily from Haris Silajdzic's Party for BiH (SBiH), as well as a wide swath of apathetic voters allured by his pledges to fix the economy. End summary. The Scandals ¶3. (S/NF) Radoncic is widely believed to be responsible for corrupt business practices, most notably his role in a scandal involving the Federation Development Bank (FDB) (ref A). Radoncic admitted to having hired Ramiz Dzaferovic -- SDA member, director of the FDB -- to conduct an audit of Avaz through Dzaferovic's personal audit company. At the same time, Dzaferovic through the FDB gave Radoncic a loan of KM 22.5 million -- which the FDB had allocated for agriculture -- for the construction of Radoncic's Avaz Tower in Sarajevo. Separately, local media recently reported alleged ties between Radoncic and international drug dealer Kelmendi, which led Radoncic to launch a full-scale attack in the pages of Avaz against the police officials working on that case. Also, staff of the Office of the High Representative (OHR) recently linked Radoncic to an international money laundering scheme. This allegation, which was leaked to the press, sparked a smear campaign in Avaz against the Principal Deputy High Representative, a State Department employee on detail to OHR, somewhat belying Radoncic's claims that one of his priorities will be to cooperate with the international community. The Entree into Politics ¶4. (C) In September 2009, Radoncic launched a new Bosniak political party, the Alliance for a Better Future of BiH (SBB-BiH) (ref B). Radoncic is almost certainly seeking political status in order to secure protection from the investigation of his illegal business deals by wielding government influence over the judiciary. Moreover, now may be a personally appealing time for Radoncic to enter politics, as media outlets besides Avaz indicate that Radoncic's business is struggling and that Avaz's chief rival daily newspaper, Oslobodjenje, is rapidly catching up to Avaz in its sales. This suggests that the pragmatic Radoncic is entering the political scene to seek lucrative deals wherever he can find them, rather than choosing partners based on ideology or even ethnic affiliation. This approach would make him an appealing ally for Republika Srpska (RS) Prime Minister Milorad Dodik, who also dabbles in business and is himself under investigation for corruption. Dodik therefore may see Radoncic as his ideal Bosniak interlocutor. Indeed, Radoncic told the DCM in January that he has met with Dodik, as well as Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ)-BiH President Dragan Covic -- who has been indicted for corruption and is forging a closer relationship with Dodik (septel) -- and has a good relationship with both men. Moreover, the fact that Avaz has kept mostly quiet on the very issue that it could use to galvanize the Bosniak populace ahead of the election -- rhetoric on a referendum in the RS -- has led to speculation that discussions on a partnership between Dodik and Radoncic may already be underway. The Weapons The SBiH Political Vacuum ¶7. (C) Radoncic's entree into the Bosniak political scene will most likely come at the expense of the deteriorating SBiH. SBiH garnered poor results in the 2008 municipal elections, and our SBiH contacts continue to tell us of the disgruntlement within the party with Silajdzic's poor leadership. Bakir Izetbegovic, who is a friend of Silajdzic, has suggested to us that Silajdzic may in fact be preparing to leave the political scene. Moreover, the Islamic community, which had previously endorsed Silajdzic, now supports Radoncic at the expense of SBiH. (...) Comment ¶11. (S/NF) (...) An alliance between Radoncic and Dodik, perceived as two of the country's more corrupt leaders, would send a very discouraging message to those in Bosnia and Herzegovina who are seeking the rule of law, especially the Bosniak intellectual elite. Comment Cont'd ¶12. (S/NF) At the same time -- however distasteful it may be to us or others -- if Radoncic and gains enough authority through the October 2010 elections to join a ruling coalition at the state or Federation level, his comparative lack of discord with RS leaders and pragmatic approach on issues ranging from economic development to constitutional reform and Euro-Atlantic integration could perhaps contribute to a more peaceful political situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina over the near term. ENGLISH ---- COMMENT: In those cables from the American Embassy in Sarajevo we can see that Ambassador English knows that Radoncic, Dodik and Covic are the most corrupt politicians, criminals, and that they have secret meetings amongst themselves. It is not a surprise for Bosnians, because it is very well known that both Radoncic and Covic were secret agents of the Serbian dominated secret police of Yugoslavia and as such they are serving the Serbian aggression against Bosnia. Ambassador English also knows that: "An alliance between Radoncic and Dodik, perceived as two of the country's more corrupt leaders, would send a very discouraging message to those in Bosnia and Herzegovina who are seeking the rule of law, especially the Bosniak intellectual elite." What is surprising for Bosnians is that the possible taking of power by those politicians does not bother English. He sees Radoncic's "lack of discord with RS leaders" as a solution. Is this not a repeat of Holbrooke-Clinton politics in Bosnia a.k.a. "the ends justify the means"? Muhamed Borogovac, Ph.D., ASA, MAAANational Congress of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina In this links are more leaks form American Embassy in Bosnia ______________________________ 6. Statement of the Bosnian Citizen Action regarding indictment for their protest against intended cosmetic changes of Dayton constitution Citizen Action is one of many Bosnian grass-root organizations that fight for unfied Bosnia-Hezegovina, against Dayton constitution and its cozmetic changes. To all concerned people, We wish to inform you that the first hearing of the trial, which is being brought against the association "Citizen Action" for an unannounced gathering organized by our association during the first "Butmir" talks (Oct. 9, 2009), is scheduled for tomorrow Nov. 26 2010 at 10.00 pm in the Municipal Court Sokolac, East Sarajevo Division at Karadordeva Street, No. 5. Namely, during the talks of the representatives of the BiH (Bosnia and Herzegovina) political parties and the officials from the E.U. and the U.S., held at the military base in Butmir on Oct. 9, 2009, the representatives of the association planned a peaceful gathering in the base under the jurisdiction of the international forces. The previous day we had visited the military base and obtained verbal permission to hold our campaign. In the campaign titled "Big Shots Defending the Status Quo", the association did not invite the public to protest; it had the intention of sending a message to the participants of the meeting in Butmir that the citizens of BiH want a more functional and stable country. However, the MUP RS (Ministry of the Interior, i.e. police of the Republic of the Serbs) used its authority to deny the group access to the location of their presentation, and in full view of the media detained the activists and took them to the police station Kula for questioning and identification. Many organizations and individuals expressed their full support to the association, including Srdjan Dizdarevic, then president of the Helsinki Committee BiH, who offered to assist us in the further process. Although the nine activists of the association were not harmed at all during their stay in jail, we believe that their arrest was completely unwarranted because they did not in any way violate public order, nor was there any indication that the group would act in such a way. We invite you to follow this trial because it is not just a trial for our association. Instead it is a message to any formal or informal groups and individuals who may want to similarly express their political opinion in the future. Sincerely, Citizen Action ----- Let us recall that the Butmir negotiations brought a few meaningless and token "reforms". Their purpose was not to open discussion on the key changes that "Citizen Action" and other Bosnians are calling for.Their purpose was just the opposite: to affirm and cement the status quo in Parliament, and thus give a veneer of legality and legitimacy to an apartheid constitution that was created in time of war and signed by Serbian perpetrators of genocide and by their agent on the Bosnian side.

Sunday, December 12, 2010

Excellent Study on the Context of the Srebrenica Genocide

It is my pleasure and honor to pass along this link to an important and necessary piece of scholarship by my comrade Daniel Toljaga, published by the Bosnia Institute:

Prelude to the Srebrenica Genocide

This was published on Nov. 18 after Daniel had put in a great deal of time researching, writing, editing, and soliciting input and advice from his wide circle of writers, scholars, activists, and other contacts. I apologize to Daniel for not having posted this immediately; if you haven't already read this piece, you need to do so immediately. And then bookmark this page so you have it handy as a reference whenever you are compelled to refute any of the ridiculous justifications for Serb nationalist actions at Srebrenica, the inaction of the international community at the time, or for attempts to derail the ongoing efforts to bring the responsible parties to justice. Daniel effectively demolishes the arguments which are used by revisionists to cloud the issue of responsibility and causation.

Saturday, December 11, 2010

Latest News and Reporting from the Institute for War and Peace Reporting

Please take the time to read the following story, an in-depth piece of reportage and analysis by Rachel Irwin and Velma Saric:

Calls for War Memorials Divide Bosnia

Also, please see these other recent stories, also from IWPR:

Srebrenica Mass Graves Allegedly Interfered With

Clearly, Karadzic has developed neither a conscience nor a sense of shame since his arrest:

Karadzic Markale Staging Claims Challenged

And finally:

Sljivancanin Appeals Conviction Reversed